Rendering of an offshore patrol vessel (OPV) by Rheinmetall company NVL. This design was also used as the basis for the Royal Australian Navy’s Arafura-class OPVs.Rheinmetall
German defence company Rheinmetall has secured contracts for the supply of vessels, weapon systems, and vehicles to the Romanian Ministry of Defence.
The contract package was awarded on Friday, May 29. According to Rheinmetall, it is the largest international contract package in the company’s recent history.
The contracts for the manufacture of combat vehicles, air defence systems, ammunition and ammunition components and naval vessels have a total value of €5.7 billion (US$6.6 billion). Rheinmetall said the relevant contracts have now been signed.
To fulfil the orders, Rheinmetall will significantly expand its existing capacities in Romania, which have been in place for many years, and will also ensure technology transfer. Deliveries are scheduled to begin 2028 and be completed by 2030.
The defence projects now commissioned include two offshore patrol vessels; two diver support vessels; 298 combat vehicles; air defence systems; and medium-calibre ammunition. Rheinmetall said the vessels will be based on the proven design of the company’s new naval systems segment.
DOĞANBEY TRAINING AREA, TURKEY — Two-thousand-pound bombs, artillery shells and naval bombardments sent shockwaves through the valley in Turkey where the Aegean Army focused its firepower last month.
Every explosion captured the attention of Turkish Armed Forces commanders, international observers and reporters perched atop two hills within a kilometer of the live-fire drills. The event was the concluding exercise of Efes – one of Ankara’s largest military exercises – and the culmination of weeks of drills involving more than 10,000 troops and observers from 50 nations.
This multi-national approach to the Turkish-led exercise could be seen by the diversity of the observers and direct participants. Troops from Somalia, Libya and Syria – nations or factions that have been backed by Ankara in recent years – were involved in numerous drills, including amphibious landing and heliborne assault operations. While Turkey is a member of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO), and many European partners were present at Efes, Turkish military leadership emphasized that these drills were not directly correlated to that alliance.
In what could only be described as the Turkish reenactment of 1979 war film Apocalypse Now’s “Ride of the Valkyrie’s” scene, a wave of around 20 attack and transport rotary-wing aircraft cruised over the water. Syrian and Libyan troops were among those carried in the fleet of Chinooks, Black Hawks and Cougars. Domestically-built T-129 ATAKs, a Turkish development of an Italian attack helicopter design, escorted the aerial armada.
Attack helicopters release flares in the sky above a naval fleet that includes TCG Anadolu (L-400) as part of Efes, a Turkish-led biennial exercise that spanned April 20 to May 21, 2026. USNI News photoUSNI News photo
The pair of attack helicopters popped flares over a fleet of unmanned surface vessels, missile boats, corvettes, frigates, landing craft and TCG Anadolu (L-400), the drone carrier flagship of the Turkish Naval Forces, that stretched across the horizon.
In January, Anadoluled a naval task force and amphibious contingent on a near 5,000-mile voyage to Germany for a NATO exercise. The drills and major Turkish contingent demonstrated the country’s growing expeditionary capabilities.
Over the course of the day, the demonstration of Turkish firepower and amphibious assault power cascaded across the Doğanbey training area. It was a blatant showcase of two decades of Turkey’s investments into its defense industrial base. Underlining the drone strikes, naval maneuvers and F-16 strafing runs were the troops from Ankara’s growing network of partners from the Middle East and Africa.
Aegean Forces Test New Capabilities
Heavily modified and modernized M-60 tanks advance from the beachhead for Efes, a Turkish-led biennial exercise that spanned April 20 to May 21, 2026. USNI News photo
Named after the ancient city of Ephesus, the biennial exercise, which spanned April 20 to May 21 is designed to test the joint operations of the Turkish military and implement new equipment within Ankara’s Aegean Army command.
Compared to previous iterations, 2026 saw a longer command and control training period from one to two weeks. Exercise planners highlighted that this year included the use of domestically-made command and control equipment and the involvement of artificial intelligence.
Tasked with the defense of Ankara’s western regions, the forces here are primarily responsible for any contingencies occurring with long-term rival Greece.
Aside from the complicated history between the two nations, the Aegean dispute has resulted in a major posturing of military forces from Athens and Ankara in the region. Disagreements stem from the close proximity of their islands, with the closest Greek island only 1.2 miles offshore from Turkey.
Territorial baselines and interpretations of the extent of exclusive economic zone waters have resulted in several skirmishes and standoffs in recent decades. Incidents range from fighter dogfights to maritime standoffs. Turkey’s Aegean Army also hosts the command responsible for Ankara’s forces based in Cyprus following the 1974 Invasion, known to Turks as the Cyprus Peace Operation.
The training valley is pockmarked with vehicle wrecks and craters from previous drills as part of Efes, a Turkish-led biennial exercise that spanned April 20 to May 21, 2026. USNI News photo
With these challenges in mind, the Turkish command hosts a large number of airmobile and amphibious capable troops to deal with potential contingencies.
The training valley was pockmarked with vehicle wrecks and craters from previous drills. Large letters and numbers were scattered on several hills to designate targets for artillery strikes, cannon fire, bombing runs and attack helicopters. Exercise planners listed off the capabilities and demonstrations as they came through loud speakers to the audience of foreign military officers and journalists.
Both days showcased the heliborne capabilities of the Turkish military to rapidly deploy troops and provide close air support. Hundreds of rounds of 20mm cannon rounds and over a dozen missile shots, including a ripple of American AGM-114 Hellfire missiles from Super Cobra attack helicopters, ripped into the sandy hills.
The live-fire was joined by F-16s dropping 2,000-pound precision-guided bombs and warships offshore pummeling the hills with cannon fire. Flagship of the Turkish fleet Anadolu launched a TB-3 unmanned combat aerial vehicle from its deck. Around a dozen warships and vessels surrounded the 27,000-ton amphib, ranging from Cold War-era Oliver Hazard Perry frigates and German-made missile boats to new Ada-class corvettes.
Following the air attacks and artillery strikes, Turkish Mariner Zaha Marine Amphibious Vehicles approached the beach ahead of large landing ships carrying heavily upgraded M-60 tanks. These amphibious forces made their way up the coastal road in a procession of mechanized equipment.
Defense Industries at the Forefront
A Turkish-built T-129 ATAK attack helicopter breaks after a strafing run as part of Efes, a Turkish-led biennial exercise that spanned April 20 to May 21, 2026. USNI News photo
Recessed behind the exercise area, Turkish defense firms displayed indigenous equipment spanning from small arms, tanks, warships, artillery systems, cruise missiles and drones. The origins of Ankara’s domestic defense industries could be traced to the aftermath of the 1974 Invasion of Cyprus. Ensuing American sanctions on the Turkish military inspired several laws and initiatives to spur the creation of a large defense industrial base.
Overseen by the government through a foundation that controls major shares in the country’s largest defense contractors, the state-directed mandates have allowed a shift from its previous import reliant posture.
Ankara has used its arms export to back partners and allies. While some exports go to NATO, such as warships and vessels to Romania and Portugal, a vast majority is funneled toward Turkey’s bilateral relationships throughout the Global South.
Footage from Turkish Bayaktar drones frequently make waves on social media. The firm’s TB-2 unmanned combat aerial vehicle debuted in full on the global stage during the Second Nagorno-Karabakh War between Azerbaijan and Armenia. The drone has since deployed over the battlefields of Libya, Sudan, Somalia and Ukraine.
Within the last half century, indigenous defense efforts have helped Turkey establish in-house capabilities from maintenance, repair and overhaul, missile production and shipbuilding.
As a result of these efforts, construction of the Turkish Naval Forces’ first domestically-made aircraft carrier and air defense destroyer began last year. The national aircraft carrier program will see the construction of a 60,000-ton short take-off but arrested recovery flattop designed to launch and recover domestically-made combat aircraft and drones.
To escort the carrier and lead future surface action groups, Turkey is looking to construct eight Tepe-class guided-missile destroyers. This class of 8,300-ton surface combatants aims to bring advanced air defense capabilities with a magazine of 96 vertical launching system cells.
In the Indo-Pacific, derivatives of the Turkish-designed Ada-class corvette will likely become a common sight in the Indian Ocean Region and South China Sea as Pakistan and Malaysia are set to induct the corvettes into their fleets.
These arm exports and naval build-up efforts are in support of Ankara’s greater foreign policy ambitions throughout the region.
Turkey’s Partners – and Customers – at Efes
Two 151-class landing craft offload troops and tanks May 21, 2026, at Efes. USNI News photo
A large amount of global south militaries – specifically states that receive Turkish backing – were present at Efes, observing the drills taking place. While this collection of allies does not represent a larger, multilateral alliance akin to NATO, it does reflect a serious commitment from Ankara into the lesser-covered conflicts in the world.
Turkish defense capabilities are being used in smaller conflicts across the global south, made possible through numerous bilateral agreements.
Last week, a Turkish-made drone affiliated with the Sudanese Armed Forces reportedly downed a manned fighter jet belonging to the Rapid Support Force. In Somalia, Turkish fighters and frigates have been deployed to provide support against Islamist extremists and maintain maritime security.
Libya’s internationally-recognized government received tanks, drones and even direct naval support from Ankara. The faction that prevailed in the Syrian Civil War received significant backing by Turkey. The list goes on with conflicts in the Congo, East Africa and even the recent India-Pakistan skirmishes.
These sales and defense efforts put Turkey in the middle of a series of complicated rivalries with other powers. France and India are among the larger nations that have been caught up in this web of arms exports. Both nations have armed Armenia with artillery and air defense systems amid its conflict with Turkish-back Azerbaijan. In the Mediterranean, the Hellenic Navy was recently bolstered with modern French-built frigates.
Aside from the Efes participants and observers, there was also a large portion of those interested in procuring Ankara’s equipment to deal with more recent challenges.
Several Turkish defense firms confirmed that multiple Middle Eastern nations had expressed interest in domestically-made air defense systems to defeat massed drone threats. Another firm said that their recent investments focused on preparing Turkish munition factories for mass artillery shell production. Numerous unmanned surface vessels, including kamikaze variants designed to sink ships, were shown and demonstrated at Efes.
Lessons from Ukraine, the U.S.-Iran War and potential markets prioritizing maritime strike capabilities have influenced the trajectory of Turkey’s defense industrial base – one that is eager to deliver to a profitable global market.
At Efes, Turkey’s military capabilities, defense diplomacy and domestic industrial capabilities were combined into one package to showcase Ankara’s growing ambitions.
Aaron-Matthew Lariosa is a freelance defense journalist. His coverage focuses on Philippine defense modernization, the South China Sea and U.S. efforts in the first island chain. Follow @Aaron_MatthewIL
An Aukus patch worn by Admiral William Houston of the US Navy, the director of the Naval Nuclear Propulsion Programme (Picture: MOD)
Aukus was launched in 2021 as Australia’s route into the nuclear-powered submarine club.
Five years on, it is being tested by second-hand US submarines, unresolved nuclear waste plans and a public inquiry asking whether the pact serves Australia’s interests.
The agreement with the UK and US is designed to give Australia conventionally armed submarines powered by nuclear reactors, using technology Washington had previously shared only with London.
Before Australia receives any nuclear-powered submarines of its own, UK and US boats are due to begin regular rotations through HMAS Stirling, a naval base near Perth, from 2027.
The three governments say the programme remains on track, but the latest plan would see Australia buy three used Virginia-class submarines from the US instead of the earlier planned mix of new and used submarines.
Australian Peter Garrett, the former Labour environment minister and Midnight Oil frontman, is leading a five-month public inquiry into the $368bn pact, with a final report due by 30 October.
The inquiry is expected to examine whether the agreement serves Australia’s defence and strategic interests, with cost, delivery timelines, nuclear waste, and environmental issues under scrutiny.
Australia has not yet identified a permanent storage site for radioactive waste from the future submarine fleet, including high-level radioactive waste that will remain toxic for thousands of years.
Australia’s route to its own fleet will start with US submarines and allied rotations before Australian-built SSN-Aukus boats arrive in the 2040s.
For the UK, the pact is expected to deliver up to 12 SSN-Aukus submarines for the Royal Navy, with the first due in the late 2030s.
UK, US and Australia SSN-Aukus submarine deal explained
What is Aukus?
Aukus is a security partnership between Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States.
It was announced in September 2021 by then UK Prime Minister Boris Johnson, Australian Prime Minister Scott Morrison and US President Joe Biden.
The pact is Australia’s biggest-ever defence project, giving it access to US and UK nuclear-powered submarine technology.
In 2021, Australia cancelled a previous submarine deal with France, causing a major diplomatic dispute, with French foreign minister Jean-Yves Le Drian calling it a stab in the back.
The pact is closely tied to security in the Indo-Pacific, where Australia wants submarines with greater range and endurance to counter China’s growing influence in the region.
Aukus has two main parts, known as pillars.
Pillar 1 covers submarines and is designed to help Australia acquire a sovereign fleet of conventionally armed, nuclear-powered submarines.
Pillar 2 covers advanced military technologies, including cyber, artificial intelligence, quantum technologies, hypersonics, electronic warfare and undersea systems.
Aukus: The row with France explained
What does the UK get from Aukus?
SSN-Aukus is based on a UK design and will replace the Royal Navy’s Astute-class attack submarines.
The UK plans to build up to 12 SSN-Aukus submarines.
The main UK industrial sites are Barrow-in-Furness, where submarines are built, and Raynesway in Derby, where Rolls-Royce works on nuclear propulsion.
The Strategic Defence Review set out an ambition to move towards continuous submarine production, with a submarine produced every 18 months.
At the same time, the UK must maintain its Dreadnought ballistic missile submarine programme, which is designed to replace the ageing Vanguard class from the early 2030s and carry the UK’s Continuous at-Sea Deterrent.
The Defence Committee has warned that the UK needs sustained funding to deliver Aukus at pace.
Ex-submariner does reality check on SSN-Aukus ambitions
Pillar 2: Drones and AI
Pillar 2 is the second part of Aukus which is meant to deliver advanced military technology before the submarine fleet arrives.
This part of the pact covers undersea systems, cyber, artificial intelligence, quantum technologies, hypersonics and electronic warfare.
At a meeting in Singapore, Australian, UK and US defence ministers announced the first Aukus Pillar 2 signature project, with delivery due to start in 2027.
The three countries will develop payloads and enabling systems for uncrewed undersea vehicles.
Payloads are the systems carried by the vehicles, such as sensors, navigation equipment or offensive capabilities.
Enabling systems support how those vehicles share information and operate with submarines, ships and other uncrewed platforms.
The project is designed to make undersea systems more interchangeable between the three countries.
The planned roles include surveillance, protection of seabed infrastructure, mine countermeasures, electronic warfare and anti-submarine operations.
Aukus is built around access below the surface, from nuclear-powered submarines to smaller uncrewed systems that can extend what crewed boats and ships are able to do.
The undersea focus also reflects growing concern over cables, pipelines and other seabed infrastructure, after a series of suspected sabotage incidents in European waters.
In a hybrid navy, drones and AI go hand in hand, and the Aukus partners are testing how uncrewed systems can detect, track and navigate.
The first AI and autonomy trial was hosted by the UK at Upavon in Wiltshire in 2023. Australian, UK and US systems worked together in a collaborative swarm to detect and track military targets in real time.
The trial also tested whether AI models could be retrained during a mission and shared between the three countries.
A second trial in Australia, known as Torvice, tested robotic vehicles and sensors against electronic warfare, laser threats and attacks on GPS and other positioning systems.
The aim is to make autonomous systems more useful in wartime conditions where signals can be jammed.
Royal Australian Navy personnel embedded on HMS Anson (Picture: MOD)
What has Aukus delivered so far?
The most important agreement is the naval nuclear propulsion framework signed by Australia, the UK and US, which sets the legal basis for sharing information, equipment and material linked to conventionally armed, nuclear-powered submarines.
Australian personnel are already working with the US Navy, Royal Navy and submarine industrial bases, while UK and US nuclear-powered submarines have increased visits to Australia.
HMAS Stirling is being prepared for Submarine Rotational Force-West, the arrangement that will see UK and US nuclear-powered submarines rotate through Western Australia from as early as 2027.
On Pillar 2, the three countries have held AI and autonomy trials, worked on quantum technologies and changed export-control rules to make defence technology easier to share.
The Singapore announcement gives Pillar 2 its first named delivery project, with systems for uncrewed undersea vehicles due to start arriving from 2027.
Aukus ushers in new era in submarine detection
Holding course
Richard Marles has argued that Australia should stay with Aukus rather than look for another route to nuclear-powered submarines.
ABC reported him as saying Aukus was “kind of plan C”, and that moving beyond it would come close to deciding not to acquire the submarines at all.
Aukus now has to move from agreements into routine operations.
The first measure will be whether Australia can host UK and US nuclear-powered submarines at HMAS Stirling from 2027, while building the workforce and safety infrastructure needed for a fleet it will not own for years.
The pressure is not only Australian. The US must make Virginia-class submarines available while trying to increase production for its own Navy, and the UK must expand its submarine programme while also delivering Dreadnought.
Ukrainian drones hit oil terminal more than 1,200km from Ukraine
Ukraine has carried out a wave of drone strikes on cities across Russia, with some hitting targets in St Petersburg, more than 600 miles from the frontline.
One of the largest oil terminals in North-western Russia went up in smoke after Ukrainian FP-1 drones hit it in the early hours of the morning.
The strikes also reportedly targeted Kronstadt, an island naval port near St Petersburg that is used by Russia’s Baltic Fleet.
The attacks came just before international delegates arrived in the former capital for the St Petersburg International Economic Forum, often described as Vladimir Putin’s version of Davos.
The deliberate timing saw international guests greeted by the sight of smoke rising over the city.
Across the country, Russian officials claimed they intercepted 350 Ukrainian drones, including some over Moscow, and Novgorod in the west of the country.
The French Navy seized sanctioned tanker Tagor for sailing under a false flag on May 31, 2026, in the Atlantic. French Navy photo
The French Navy seized sanctioned tanker MT Tagor on Sunday while it operated in the Atlantic, marking the service’s fourth shadow fleet seizure since September.
The tanker was seized on suspicion of flying a false Cameroonian flag and diverted to France, arriving Tuesday in Douarnenez Bay where the ship is detained, the Maritime Prefecture of the Atlantic announced Monday. Headed by a naval officer, the Maritime Prefect is France’s representative at sea, responsible for maritime safety.
The seizure occurred 400 nautical miles west of the tip of the French peninsula of Brittany. Tagor reportedly traveled from Murmansk, Russia, according to the Maritime Prefect. The operation was conducted by French and U.K. forces on the basis of Article 110 of the United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea for the purpose of verifying the nationality of the tanker.
The boarding team examined the tanker’s documents and confirmed the irregularity of the flag flown. A report was filed with the public prosecutor in Brest, who has jurisdiction over maritime matters.
“In accordance with international law and at the request of the public prosecutor, the vessel was diverted. It is currently being escorted by French Navy vessels to an anchorage for further investigation,” reads the release.
French President Emmanuel Macron on Monday posted a video of the operation on his X social media account. The video showed an armed boarding team descending from a French Navy NH90 Caiman helicopter onto the tanker.
A French Navy team boards sanctioned tanker MT Tagor on May 31, 2026, in the Atlantic. French Navy photo
“The French Navy intercepted a new tanker under international sanctions yesterday morning, originating from Russia: the Tagor. Our determination is steadfast and unwavering. This operation was carried out in the Atlantic, in international waters, with the support of several partners including the United Kingdom, in strict compliance with the law of the sea. It is unacceptable for ships to circumvent international sanctions, violate the law of the sea and fund the war that Russia has been waging against Ukraine for more than [four] years. These vessels, which fail to adhere to the most basic rules of maritime navigation, also pose a threat to the environment and to everyone’s safety,” reads Macron’s X post.
The French did not identify the French Navy ship involved in the interception though the French Armed Forces operational status update for May 21-28 said a FREMM-class frigate was operating in the North Atlantic on an independent situational awareness mission.
The BBC, citing a U.K. Ministry of Defense spokesperson, reported that a Royal Navy helicopter operating from frigate HMS Somerset (F82) provided tracking and monitoring in support of the French operation. Somerset is operating with an embarked Merlin Mk 2 anti-submarine warfare (ASW) helicopter, the frigate is currently deployed on the Royal Navy’s Operation CETO, a standing mission focused on monitoring submarine activity and screening the U.K.’s ballistic missile submarines when they deploy.
The U.K. previously supported French seizures of sanctioned tanker MT Grinch in January and MT Deyna in March in the Mediterranean, with fast patrol boats from the Royal Navy’s Gibraltar Squadron tracking the tankers. U.K. Prime Minister Keir Starmer announced in March that the U.K. military now has the authority to board ships sanctioned by the U.K. around its waters. To date, the U.K. had not conducted any boardings of sanctioned ships.
A French Navy team aboard sanctioned MT Tagor on May 31, 2026, in the Atlantic. French Navy photo
Russia condemned the French Navy’s operation with Kremlin spokesperson Dmitry Peskov describing the boarding and seizure as illegal and an act of piracy. The Russian Foreign Ministry denounced the operation in a statement issued by spokesperson Maria Zakharova. Zakharova said that while international law permitted the stopping and in limited circumstances, inspection on the high seas, it did not allow the forcible diversion of a ship to a port of the warship’s home country.
“The Russian Embassy in France has demanded that Paris provide full details of the circumstances surrounding the detention and is taking comprehensive steps to protect the Russian nationals among the crew,” Zakharova said.
Tagor’s captain, according to media reports, is a Russian national.
The head of the French Armed Forces, General Fabien Mandon, posted pictures of the operation on his official X account.
“Yesterday, a Marine Nationale vessel conducted, in international waters, a flag state inspection that confirmed the irregularity of the flag flown by the tanker-cargo Tagor. This 4th intervention since September 2025 illustrates our permanent vigilance toward those who seek to circumvent international law,” Mandon said.
France, in September 2025, detained tanker MT Boracay as it sailed near France. This was followed by the detention of Grinch and Deyna this year. All three ships were released following the payment of fines, though Boracay’s captain was subsequently tried without appearing in court on charges of failing to obey orders during the interdiction. He departed with the tanker when it was released and allowed to resume its journey to the Suez canal in October 2025. He was sentenced in March to one year in jail. The French military also supported Belgium in its seizure of Russian shadow fleet tanker MT Ethera in February.
Dzirhan Mahadzir is a freelance defense journalist and analyst based in Kuala Lumpur Malaysia. Among the publications he has written for and currently writes for since 1998 includes Defence Review Asia, Jane’s Defence Weekly, Navy International, International Defence Review, Asian Defence Journal, Defence Helicopter, Asian Military Review and the Asia-Pacific Defence Reporter.
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